About ten years ago, after asking a question at a political meeting
organised by our local MP, a very orthodox right-wing member of the party that was
called the UMP at the time, now Les
Républicains, I was mistaken for a member of the Front National. Why the person who came up to after the meeting
thought I was a member, or at least a supporter, of the Front National remains a mystery to this day, but what he said to
me was, on reflection, very interesting. “It would be good if our two parties
could work together” he said, meaning unmistakably that the mainstream and republican
right wing should publicly recognise its affinities with the Front National and form a common
majority. At the time Nicholas Sarkozy was the leader of the UMP before standing
for, and winning, the presidency in 2007.
That brief conversation came back to me yesterday as news comes thick
and fast of the preparations being made by all of France’s political parties
for the parliamentary elections in June.
As I wrote previously (“Seen on a train” - April 23) the shock waves
from the election of Emmanuel Macron to the presidency have fanned out to all
parts of the political spectrum. Yesterday, Macron’s new party, renamed La République en Marche published a list
of 428 (out of 577) candidates. As always seemed likely, it is France’s left
wing parties that have taken the hardest knock so far, with a three or four way
split of the Socialist party in the offing, a clear attempt by Mélenchon to
establish his own parliamentary party and the breakdown of talks on an
electoral alliance with the communists. There will certainly be opportunities
to focus on these events as they unfold in the weeks ahead.
But the right wing parties have felt the fallout as well. Marine Le
Pen’s extraordinarily aggressive attitude during the televised presidential debate
last week is not only felt by many to be responsible for her poor performance
of just under 34% in the run-off last Sunday but, more importantly for her, has
clearly not gone down well with party activists either, as multiple radio and
TV interviews have shown. The plot
thickened further yesterday when Marine le Pen’s niece and one of only two Front National MPs, 27 year old Marion
Maréchal Le Pen, announced that she would not be seeking re-election in June
and was leaving politics, citing a desire to spend more time with her two-year
old daughter and work in the private sector.
Behind such boilerplate explanations lie real differences of opinion
between what can be described as the “southern” wing of the party, focusing more
on issues of immigration and identity and represented by Marion Maréchal Le Pen, and the
“northern” wing represented by Marine and her right hand man, Florian Philippot,
a graduate of ENA and the man largely responsible for the party’s presidential
programme, focusing more on the negative effects of the Euro and globalisation.
Jean Marie le Pen, now 82, the party’s founder and patriarch has fallen
out with his daughter, Marine, and is known to have a difficult relationship
with Philippot. He blames both, sometimes publicly, for shifting policy away
from the party’s traditional platform in an attempt to make it more electable. There
are mutterings that it hasn’t worked. Marion’s withdrawl has turned these
mutterings into a split and brought it into the open.
Marion Maréchal le Pen is Marine’s niece and Jean-Marie’s granddaughter.
Like Obelix in the adventures of Asterix, she fell into the magic potion very
early in life when she was pictured on an election poster in the arms of her
grandfather at the age of two. After a straight-laced, catholic education in a
well-heeled suburb of Paris, at the age of 22 she became the youngest MP of the
Fifth Republic when she was elected to represent the town of Carpentras in the
South of France in 2012. By all accounts she has worked hard, learnt fast and
held her own in an Assembly largely populated by middle-aged men not renowned
for their benevolent attitudes and impeccable behaviour towards attractive
young women colleagues. Beyond her work as a constituency MP, Marion Maréchal
Le Pen has become a standard bearer for the Front
National’s traditional policies just as the party has officially shifted
away from them. She is apparently very popular with activists and her withdrawl
has been widely lamented in party circles. It is difficult to believe that
having been inoculated with the virus of politics at such an early age, Marion Maréchal
Le Pen will not return to politics in the future. After all, she will still be
under 40 at the next presidential election but one in 2027.
Who knows what will have happened to the Front National by then? The founding father’s towering figure of Jean
Marie le Pen may well have gone to meet his maker, leading to more serious
attempts to shed the party’s fascist and xenophobic image and opening the way
for alliances that go beyond the hastily concluded electoral pact with Nicolas
Dupont-Aignan for this year’s run-off. If that were to happen, would there
really be such a big difference in spirit between the traditional conservative values
of a more respectable Front National,
and the pretty radical right-wing programme that François Fillon proposed to
his electorate in the primary from which he emerged victorious last November? Might
not such a political platform appeal once again if President Macron is unable
to curb France’s public expenditure, has little success in bringing down
employment and restoring a sense of unity to the French people?
For the time being though, Fillon has been quietly forgotten and the new
leaders of his party have proposed a much lighter version of his programme for
the parliamentary elections. Their hope
is clearly to emerge from them as part of a centrist presidential majority. Rumours are swirling that Alain Juppé, the
most centrist member of Les Républicans and Fillons’s rival in the
primaries, is trying to convince like-minded colleagues to support Emmanuel
Macron by agreeing to become a minister or even Prime Minister in his
government.
It is surely not too far fetched to imagine that the harder right wing of
the party, of which Fillon and Sarkozy are fairly typical representatives, could
eventually split from the centrist wing and form an alliance with a newly
respectable and probably renamed Front
National, representing a socially and fiscally conservative and Eurosceptic
electorate in the Bonapartist and Gaullist traditions. The pace and the timing
of that shift would depend, among other factors, on what come out of the elections
in June, how many Républicain MPs are
returned to the Assemblée Nationale
and whether they form a part of the presidential majority or not. Sooner or
later though, politicians with similar outlooks will want to come together to
oppose a socially and economically liberal and Europe-oriented President. Birds
of a feather may eventually flock together and the wish of my interlocutor of
ten years ago could be fulfilled.
If and when it happens, I would not be at all surprised if Marion
Maréchal Le Pen chose that moment to make a return to politics.
The notion that Marine Le Pen and F. Fillon are "birds of a feather" disregards their most defining core. The definitions of Right and Left are quickly melting and become obsolete, as shown in this elections in which Mélenchon's supporters refused to vote against the FN. That's because attitudes toward Globalization are now more important than the old definitions. Fillon, as representative of the old guard and the status quo will never come to the same side of the barricade as Le Pen on this most defining issue of global, free-market capitalism, so I don't think they'll even join forces.
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